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Deflating the Claim of Rural Electrification

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Definition of Village Electrification

The definition for ‘village electrification’ in the 2006 rural electrification policy says that a village is deemed ‘electrified’ if infrastructure such as distribution transformer and distribution lines have been set up in the inhabited locality and 10% of the households have access to electricity through the infrastructure. Thus, rural electrification has nothing to do with all villagers getting electricity as well as the duration of electricity provided. Quality comes last in the hierarchy.

Image Source: Wikipedia

Electricity Sector in India

India is the world’s third largest producer and third largest consumer of electricity. The per capita electricity consumption is low compared to many countries despite cheaper electricity tariff in India.

The utility electricity sector in India has one National Grid with an installed capacity of 344.00 GW as on 31 March 2018. Renewable power plants constituted 33.23% of total installed capacity. During the fiscal year 2016-17, the gross electricity generated by utilities in India was 1,236.39 TWh and the total electricity generation (utilities and non utilities) in the country was 1,433.4 TWh.

Thus, India has surplus power generation capacity but lacks adequate infrastructure for supplying electricity to all needy people.

100% Rural Electrification Claim

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had, in his 2015 Independence Day speech, promised to electrify in 1,000 days, i.e., by May 2018. The Government chose 18,452 villages for electrification by 2018. Out of the 18,452 villages chosen for electrification, the government claimed that 15,183 villages had been connected to the grid by December 2017. Rest were deemed as uninhabited or lacks the population.

In order to address the lack of adequate electricity supply to all the people in the country by March 2019, the Government of India launched a scheme called “Power for All”.

“We need to double our power production. Given the infrastructure and generating capacity we have today…we have the ability to double our power production. If tomorrow we need to add 50 per cent power to our system I am ready for that. We are making about 1.1 trillion units of electricity annually now …We can go up to 1.65 next year,” Power, Coal and Mines Minister Goyal said at INFOCOM 2016.

The statement by the ministry came a day after Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced that all villages in India have been connected with power. On Saturday evening, Leisang village in Manipur’s Senapati district became the last village to be connected to the national power grid.

As per government data, 1,236 villages are uninhabited and 35 have been notified as grazing reserves.

The Ground Reality of the Claim

As per the government’s rural electrification website, Grameen Vidyutikaran, only 1,301 villages have 100 percent household connectivity. This means that just 0.21 percent of India’s 600,000 villages are completely electrified. The government has now set a new March 2019 deadline for electrification of all households.

To deflate BJP’s claims, Congress spokesperson Randeep Singh Surjewala said that it was the Congress that electrified 97 per cent of villages in the country but “did not boast”. “On 26th May, 2014; only 18,452 villages were without electrification. BJP Govt took 46 months to complete this at at an average of 4,813 villages per year. This is – ‘celebrating inefficiencies’ & taking ‘fake credit’ for Congress work,” he said.

The biggest discrepancy was in the data used for the scheme. Debajit Palit is a senior fellow and associate director, TERI. He felt that with the launch of a household-level electrification scheme, the relevance of the goal of village electrification is over.

“The annual growth rate of households since the census in 2011 may not have been taken into consideration to estimate the current state wise total households. There is variation in total households data in villages. There could be a wide difference between what the DISCOMs are reporting and what it should be as per the Census 2011 and the subsequent growth. This is creating confusion and raising doubt about the actual number and percentage of unelectrified households in the country. Furthermore, whether households with solar home systems or mini grid connection are counted as electrified or not is also not clear,” Palit said.

The Conclusion

The 100 percent Rural Electrification does not mean that all the villagers are receiving electricity. Electric energy consumption in agriculture was recorded highest (17.89%) in 2015-16 among all countries. So, electrifying villages is the need of the hour.

The claims of 100 percent rural electrification loses its significance by launching of Saubhagya Scheme to bring electricity to every household. This also proves that Government itself knows that electricity is not available in every household. Moreover, the rate of electrification was much slower too. Then why is our government inflating its chest over such inefficiency?

Every thing points to only one direction, that is, creating an image. The skill which has been perfected by this government over its tenure. Let’s see how this Saubhagya Scheme turns out.

We Are No Way Supporting Jinnah’s Ideology

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Finally found internet connection……No, not in Aligarh , on the way to Delhi……”- Student at Aligarh Muslim University. The UP Chief minister needs no introduction, people of U.P and people who know Yogi, very well know Yogi’s ideology, which screams hinduism in every move, be it speech, be it changing names of places to promote hinduism, be it his moves towards hinduism safety and his idea against Muslims. One question, The picture of Jinnah was not hung in the library today. Why the removal of picture of Jinnah was not a matter of concern to BJP? Is it because they wanted to use it as per their use as politicise it. Right after BJP in Uttar Pradesh came in power. Why wasn’t the picture not removed right after the independence? The University was founded by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in 1875. The issue was raised after a letter was written by Satish Gautam (Lok Sabha MP from Aligarh). There are questions that rise here-
How did MP know about the Jinnah’s portrait? If it was so important, which actually is, Why did it take BJP MP so long to write the letter to AMU Vice-chancellor Tariq Mansoor.

Student of AMU
AMU in no way support Jinnah’s ideology. Which makes it clear they do not object the move of removal of portrait of Jinnah. We are protesting for the injustice, against the goons that tried to enter the peaceful campus armed and hailing ‘amu ke gaddaron ko, goli maaron saalon ko’ against the security who allowed it, against the district administration who failed to deliver turning a deaf ear to our demands. We protested like they never thought of, we peacefully protested and still are. They have shut down the internet service fearing the truth might reach people. Their IT cells are active now, ready to fill your mind with anger against us.’

Image source: Google

The Question is if this is a political move, and it definitely looks like one! Is this the way of imposing culture and it’s effect on people when a person is in power. It is exactly the same. Since 1998 during his tenure as MP of Gorakhpur place were renamed as follows- Urdu Bazar to Hindi Bazar, Ali Nagar to Arya Nagar, Miya bazar to Maya Bazar, Islampur to Ishawarpur, Lahladpur yo Alahaladpr and Humayun Nagar to Hanuman Nagar. This may be right according for Hinduism and according to the chief minister.

Is this really the way to change and bring social change, I am not challenging your political understanding based on ideology of religion. But I can definitely challenge your decision which leads to social change this is not the way you’d be changing lives of people for good and better. Education it is, do not impose ideologies, people will decide better and rightly when they are able to. Which is only possible by education and opportunities. This is not why people have elected you for sure.

The downfall of BJP lies in ideas up-bringing communal-ism. :Akhilesh

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A little spice of caste-based politics by SP-BSP changed the flavor of the ‘Fascist’ politics by BJP. SP’s victory in the UP bypolls was not just about the support from BSP alone. Tactical moves made by Akhilesh in the past fortnight made the difference.

Ignore Congress and Form new Alliances

Akhilesh decided to maintain a safe distance from Congress to keep those party workers in good humor. The workers were unhappy over their alliance for the 2017 assembly polls. Since Congress showed no interest in renewing the pact, SP decided to go solo.

Small parties with hardly any presence throughout the state gave active support to SP. The only uniting motive was to defeat BJP. Then Akhilesh turned to those small parties which had strong hold on castes in the region of Gorakhpur and Phulpur.

Akhilesh teamed up with the Nirbal Indian Shoshit Hamara Aam Dal (NISHAD) Party and Peace Party. He then fielded Pravin Nishad from Gorakhpur. Pravin is the son of NISHAD chief Sanjay Nishad. The move proved a masterstroke as the Nishad community is the largest sub-caste of OBC in the constituency, comprising 3.5 lakh or roughly 17% of the total electorate.

In Phulpur, the party fielded Nagendra Pratap Singh Patel to focus on the sizeable chunk of Patels in the region.

Support from BSP

It was not for the nothing that Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav went personally to pay his respects to ‘buaji’ for her support to Samajwadi candidates in Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha bypolls.

Due to the choice of candidates and being burned by the same ambition, BSP actively supported SP quite easily. This served two purposes for BSP. First, making its presence felt and second, not relinquishing its strong-hold on lower castes.

Dalits in Uttar Pradesh, who traditionally supported Mayawati, voted in big numbers for Modi in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, only to find his Hindutva brigade going berserk against them. Dozens of cases of violence against Dalits at the hands of upper castes continue to be reported. Thus, Dalits turned against the BJP.

Is this the arrival of wind of change in India?

It is quite a tradition that the party with the most seats in UP serves as the ‘Kingmaker’ in Indian politics. Though its too early to say but still it is clear that now Fascist politics by BJP is not enough. The defeat might end the euphoria which surrounded BJP’s office after winning in North-East. (Read more: Saffronisation Of North East:) This might be the beginning of the end of Modi-Yogi politics. With just 273 seats in the Lok Sabha,1 clear of the majority, there are chances of this end to come sooner.

Saffronisation Of North East:

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By: Gaurav Nandan Tripathi

The recently completed elections in north eastern states of Tripura, Meghalaya, and Nagaland saw a common trend. It was the steep upsurge of the Narendra Modi led BJP. what came as a surprise for many, saw the rise of the BJP as the winner of two-third majority in Tripura, with a really strong presence in Nagaland (where it’s most likely to form a government along with it’s allies), and a first time house presence in Meghalaya. The results came out as a huge shock to those who thought the hindu nationalism of BJP and RSS can hardly win any seats for them. But, incidentally it was not the hindu nationalism which got them their prize. It was a much deeper and meticulously organized campaign, which won them their accolades.

To understand it better, the example of Tripura is the best one. The BJP literally used all the cards in its deck to pull off this nearly impossible task of wiping out the 25 years of left rule in Tripura, which was incidentally the first direct combat between the right and left of Indian Politics. The combined forces of the BJP and RSS used the conditions in their favour to pull off this huge victory in the state. Let us look at those factors :

ATTACKING THE FAILED ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT MODEL OF SARKAR:
Manik Sarkar, now the ex CM, had ruled Tripura successfully for two and a half decades. But, he
had failed to bring some really tangible economic development in the state. The state government was still paying its employees according to the fourth pay commission, while every central government and most other state governments pay their employees according to the seventh pay commission. This discrepancy when removed can actually increase the income of a state employee who (say) earns 20,000 per month, by atleast 15,000 Rs. Therefore, the economic bar of the people highly grows above the par level. The only assurance Manik Sarkar could give was that even Manipur hasn’t implemented the seventh pay commission; which obviously is a very lame excuse. BJP with its pro market and pro economic development politics, attracted the masses in Tripura. It heightened the anti incumbency of the 25 years of left rule in the state.

BUILDING THE PARTY BASE AND ATTRACTING THE MASSES:
Now, the RSS has always been a building block of BJP. But in Tripura, we need to give more credit to the RSS for providing and conditioning the voter base of Tripura, for BJP’s benefit. To begin with, RSS (sangh, as it is generally called) started building its own niche among the people of Tripura. It began with increasing the number of shakhas (branches) from 60 in 2014, to 265 in 2016. Sangh always reaches out to the masses by the medium of its social service and that is exactly what it did in Tripura. This helped to in turn increase the number of workers, who eventually extended the voter base to huge numbers. There were special posts like that of a ‘Panna Pramukh’, who would be given a full page of the voter list with it’s 60 voters. He or she would then go out, meet that person, and talk about their demands and needs; and after recording those things, the report was forwarded to the thinking heads sitting in Agartala. Ambitious campaigns like online voter registration, ‘train samparak’(campaigning in trains), etc. helped to bring more and more people in the ambit of the campaign, which finally proved out to be a masterstroke. Extra workforce was brought from other states, and the whole organization proved consequential in breaking the spine of a one-fourth of a century’s rule of Manik Sarkar. This also helped to break the CPM supporting families, and ultimately cross voting among families helped BJP getting this particular mandate.

FINAL STEPS: IPFT AND RALLIES
The partnership between IPFT(Indigenous people’s front of Tripura) and BJP proved instrumental in grabbing the significant tribal vote of the state. The tribal population of Tripura was feeling alienated after years of neglect of demands. IPFT came up with the demand of a new tribal state. The BJP didn’t supported the demand for a new state, because that would have upset the Bengali majority. But they continued to be a part of this alliance, and ultimately IPFT gave them eight out of nine seats of the tribal majority areas. Not to forget are the 3 rallies of Narendra Modi, which gathered huge masses, and with his charisma (which still enthralls) he gave BJP the final push which they needed. Along with him, his 52 ministers also visited and rallied in Tripura, along with Amit Shah. This point will not be brought much, but Yogi Adityananth’s( who is the head of nath sect)
involvement also helped BJP to get the vote of the population of Bengali who followed the nath sect. this wasn’t a game turning thing, but it just shows the kind of tactical thinking the BJP election committee uses. Also not to forget are the efforts of the big guns behind this change. Sunil Deodhar (the party head), Biplab Kumar Deb ( the young leader of the party in the state), Himanta Biswa Sarma, and obviously Ram Madhav, the national general secretary of BJP. No doubt this win is a huge boost for BJP. And there is also no doubt that after ruling 21 states in India, Saffron is now what the major color of Indian politics. But I also think that the balance of saffron, white and green in the Indian scenario shouldn’t be disturbed.

India reveals ‘world’s largest’ public healthcare scheme

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Union Budget 2018 brought some cheer on the face of poor. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley announced health insurance scheme which will cover around 100 million poor and vulnerable Indians.

Public Healthcare

It’s thought to be one of the largest such schemes in the world, and is likely to be popular with rural voters. India presently spends a little over 1% of its GDP on public healthcare. It is one of the lowest in the world.

Healthcare expenses are a major cause of impoverishment of working families in India. The low spending nature of Indian government led public hospitals to appalling condition.

Since the condition of government hospital is in doldrums, people are forced to seek private healthcare facilities. Due to this, today nearly 70 per cent of national health spending comes out of pocket from patients and their families. Many people take loan from moneylenders, who provide quick cash at high interest rates.

The healthcare scheme

Arun Jaitley presented the final budget of the current term. Since elections in around 8 states are approaching, pressure mounted on him to present a lucrative budget. Due to this, he also pumped huge amount of money in health, education, social security and rural infrastructure sectors.

He said the flagship health insurance scheme would cover more than 100 million poor families and provide 500,000 rupees in medical coverage for each family annually.

“This will be the world’s largest government-funded healthcare programme,” Mr. Jaitley told parliament in his speech.

“The government is steadily but surely progressing towards a goal of universal health coverage.”

Is This Enough?

Although it is laudable to give medical coverage to the poor, it is still in planning stage. A lot of things are not clear. Framework to gather money for the scheme needs explaination. No decision made to check the monopoly of the private hospitals. It is also not clear that how government will protect poor from the exploitation from the private hospitals. Just providing insurance and not revamping public healthcare facilities is obviously not enough.

Why Is “Prime Minister’ Speechless Now?

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Silence is the most powerful scream. Silence is the language of God. Silence is the source of strength and the fortress for the wise. It is the best reply to a fool and sometimes, silence silences the louds. Unfortunately, our Prime Minister’s silence has none of these traits. The silence on his comments on his predecessor, Dr. Manmohan Singh, tells a different story about his nature. It’s not the first time and it won’t be his last silence on the things that would jeopardize his ‘image’ in front of his ‘followers’. He was quiet when hundreds of people died due to demonetization. He was silent when Doklam standoff did not pay off well. He was silent when economy was on the rocks. He was quiet when children died in UP. He was also quiet on Gauri Lankesh’s murder. His silence on beef lynching and the people spreading the saffron terror in the country. He used to shrew away from the responsibilities of his position and hide behind his ministers and party. Ministers worsen the situation. The fresh example is Hegde on secularism.

Image Source: Google

In contrast with his silence on these matters, he was the first person who took the credit for the Surgical Strike. When economy rose a little, he was the first person to bow in order to receive the medal. He was highly vocal in recently conducted Gujarat elections. He mocked his opponents. He polarized the vote bank directly. He even termed former Prime Minister as the Pakistani agent and would insinuate to assassinate him.

Image Source: Google

Silence was always like an offensive veil to Manmohan Singh. He used to be silent and hardly attended any rallies. But, he was highly vocal in press conferences and answer the questions well without spitting on his opponents. His silence was his shield from the mediocrity surrounding him. It was note-worthy that he spoke through his actions more. The Liberalization policy he framed in 1992 lifted Indian economy from the gallows of dark ages and eventually became the foundation for the future development. He was the mastermind when India dodged the recession bullet in 2007-08 when Greece, Spain became bankrupt. It was his tenure when crude oil touched $140/barrel and still we used to get petrol at Rs. 70/litre. The point is that the man who carried out his responsibilities with such class and perfection, the man who hardly spit any venom on his opponents, the man who endorsed the policy of true liberal and progressive politics, should deserve some respect from the nation. And on the other hand, the leader of the nation himself making such derogatory remarks on him and ignoring the issue, thinking that it would pass-off with time.
Now the consequences of Modi’s silence will be that his ‘bhakts’ will take his remarks as the truth, which they always do, and will tarnish the image of him further on social media and other platforms. This would once again divert the minds of people from the ultimate goal of development and upliftment. Congress has already been protesting against PMs silence in the Parliament and are not in any mood to stop their disruption of Parliament sessions.
BJP at last apologized for the debacle on the former PM in Rajya Sabha. Apology by Arun Jaitely was well received by Ghulam Nabi Azad and promised to break their protest. Mind that PM Modi is still silent. The shrewd and hypocritical nature of Mr. Modi won’t be tolerated in the long run by the public.

Vijay Rupani starts his 2nd inning as Gujarat’s Chief Minister

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By: Sugat Shrivastava

image source: DNA

BJP won the elections for the sixth consecutive time, though with a reduced tally of seats.

Source: DNA

The 20-member Council of Ministers was administered the oath of secrecy and office in a high-profile function in the presence of top leaders including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP ‘paterfamilias’ L.K. Advani, party president Amit Shah, top Union Ministers and Chief Ministers from the BJP and NDA-ruled States like, Rajnath Singh, Nitin Gadkari, Ravi Shankar Prasad and Ramvilas Paswan. Former Gujarat chief ministers Keshubhai Patel, Shankarsinh Vaghela and Anandiben Patel also attended the event.

Born in Rangoon (now Yangon, Myanmar), Vijay Rupani, 61, joined an RSS shakha as a schoolboy, before graduating to the BJP via the Sangh’s students wing–the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). Rupani, who worked mostly in the party organisation in Gujarat, fought his first Assembly election in 2014, winning a bypoll from Rajkot West. This time he won from the same seat with an impressive margin of over 53,000 votes. A bachelor of law, Rupani was a Rajya Sabha member between 2006 and 2012.

This is the sixth consecutive government of the BJP in Gujarat, though the party’s strength in the assembly has reduced this time from 2012. It returned to power winning 99 seats in the 182-member house, compared with 115 in 2012, even as the Congress bettered its tally to 77 from 61 five years ago. Despite the BJP’s tally falling below 100 in a long time, Rupani’s selection also suggested that the top party leadership wanted continuity before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. In recently conducted by-polls in R.K. Nagar, Tamil Nadu, NOTA won more votes than BJP candidate. The BJP polled 1,417 votes while NOTA received 2,373 votes. This certainly strongholds the claim of relinquishing of BJP’s hold throughout the nation. Thus, there is a mammoth task ahead of Rupani to bring back the lost trust of people in the state.